Tuesday, April 21, 2015

FBI HAD NKVD KOMBRIG ZARUBIN IN ITS SIGHTS

The letter posted below was sent to the US Ambassador in Warsaw and has not yet (May 6, 2015) received a response from either the Ambassador or the Director of the FBI

April 21, 2015

My Dear Ambassador Mull

I would, in light of the recent contretemps concerning the unwise and ill-judged statement of the FBI Director both ask him a question and also suggest that he might wish to make some sort of apology for an earlier FBI faux pas concerning Katyn.

As you may be aware, the Chief NKVD Interrogator at Kozielsk prison camp was Kombrig Zarubin – the self same Zarubin who served as illegal station chief in Washington beginning in 1943 and onwards (Zarubin and his wife had been stationed in NYC since 1941). 

Of course Zarubin operated under a different name Zubilin ; nonetheless, although he was followed by the FBI from the start, he was tracked by FBI agents starting with April of 1943, after his West Coast trip to meet with Steve Nelson.  Given the letter sent by Vasili Mironov identifying Zarubin as involved in the Katyn Massacre received by Edgar Hoover in August of 1943, there were several reasons to stop Zarubin.

This was a singular, unique and missed opportunity for the United States to have held a Soviet agent responsible for thousands of Polish officer’s deaths.

Perhaps the Director could discuss the inaction of the FBI in the case of this mini-holocaust of the Polish officer corps?  Conversely, he could expand his area of knowledge and read up on this matter before he pounced to erroneous judgement on other matters which he clearly does not comprehend.  For a private citizen to make a misstatement of fact is one things for the head of a National institution is very different.

Finally, perhaps, the FBI director could agree to completely open the files on Zarubin in possession of the FBI (they are still not completely available) as a small token of apology to the Polish nation.

Respectfully yours and awaiting a response,

 

Monday, April 6, 2015

POSTHUMOUS AWARDING OF OFFICER'S CROSS OF MERIT OF THE REPUBLIC OF POLAND

CENTRE FOR POLISH-RUSSIAN DIALOGUE AND UNDERSTANDING 

Visit to Poland by Families of the US Army officers–witnesses to the Katyn Massacre

Press Release (EN)[1]
Visit to Poland by Families of the US Army officers–witnesses to the Katyn Massacre - April 2015
  • Synopsis
  • History
  • Madden Committee – first attempt at a neutral assessment of the Katyn Massacre
  • Coded Letters and an oath of secrecy
 
1. Synopsis.
Centrum Polsko-Rosyjskiego Dialogu i Porozumienia (the Centre for Polish-Russian Dialogue and Understanding) in cooperation with the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MSZ), the Ministry of Defence (MON) and the Ministry of Culture and National Heritage (MKiDN) has invited the Families of the US witnesses to the Katyn Massacre on a journey to Poland.  This is a project to commemorate the persons of Col. John H. Van Vliet, Jr. and Col. Donald B. Stewart. Both US Army officers were POWs in May 1943, and as such they were among the first neutral witnesses to this crime. While held POW, both sent coded letters in which they advised the US Army and Military Intelligence (G-2) about the Katyn Massacre, most specifically, their opinion that responsibility for the crime lay with the Soviets. In the post-war period, they testified at length before a Special Committee of the US House of Representatives, thus ensuring a widespread and public disclosure of these events, including the fact that under international law the USSR was legally responsible for this unprecedented war crime.
On April 8th, 2015 the President of the Republic of Poland will posthumously award the Officer’s Cross of Merit of the Republic of Poland to Colonels Donald. B. Stewart and John H. Van Vliet, Jr.  Concurrently, President Komorowski will award the Gold Cross of Merit of the Republic of Poland to Krystyna Piórkowska, an American historian of Polish heritage, and author of a book documenting the history of the English-speaking witnesses to Katyn, her dedication and researcher’s resolve resulted in the discovery of this heretofore unknown thread of the Katyn Massacre and its introduction to both the Polish and world-wide community.
This project, including the first visit of the Families to Poland, occurs during the 75th anniversary of the Massacre and forms one of the central aspects of this year’s observances.
Ten members of the US Army officer’s families have arrived in Poland at the invitation of the Centrum; this group includes sons, daughters and grandchildren who are accompanied by Krystyna Piórkowska. During their stay in Poland, they will be received by the Ministers of Foreign Affairs, National Defence as well as Culture and National Heritage.  During the latter portion of the week they will travel to Szubin (Kujawy-Pomorze), where Oflag 64 (Altburgund, German-occupied Poland) was located and where the two US Army officers were held.  It is at that site where, thanks to the efforts of the Rada Ochrony Pamięci Walki i Męczeństwa and local officials, that a plaque commemorating the efforts of these officers in sending out the truth about Katyn and fighting the Katyn Lie will be unveiled.  The group will visit Kraków and the Podlasie area. The Families will also participate in various Katyn observances in Warsaw and the major observances in Bykownia (Kiev, Ukraine).
2. History
Lt. Col. John Huff Van Vliet Jr. and Capt. Donald B. Stewart were taken POW by the Germans in February 1943 after the battle of Kasserine Pass (Tunisia) and were transported to Oflag IX A/Z in Rotenberg am Fulda (Germany) a primarily British camp, at the end of March 1943, where Lt. Colonel Van Vliet served as Senior American Officer.
In May 1943, as members of a group of seven English-speaking POWs and one civilian internee of various nationalities, they were taken under duress to Katyn, where on May 12-13 they witnessed the exhumations of the Polish officers who had been murdered by the Soviets in 1940.  After their return to the camp they transmitted information about what they had seen to the government of the United States via letters which were mainly sent from Oflag 64 in Altburgund (Szubin) where they were transferred by the Germans in June of 1943. After occupying the area near Katyn (Smolensk region) the Soviets created a sub-group, which was to study Katyn and is known as the Burdenko Commission, of the already existing Soviet Commission named the Extraordinary State Commission to Ascertain and Investigate the Crimes Committed by the German Fascist Invaders and their Associates.  The NKVD had already ‘massaged’ the gravesite and then invited Western journalists to visit it; which they did in the company of Kathleen Harriman and John Melby (3rd Secretary US Embassy), these two then submitted reports to Washington in which they blamed the Germans.  Coded letters were then sent to Oflag 64, concerning the Katyn Massacre, which were responded to by Lt. Colonel Van Vliet and Captain Stewart and they reaffirmed their position as to Soviet guilt. These letters, sent both in the summer of 1943, and the spring of 1944, allowed the US government to verify the information it possessed on this matter and to confirm Soviet guilt for the Katyn Massacre.
At Oflag 64, Colonel Van Vliet served in the clandestine camp organization, as head of the Escape Committee, Van Vliet was known as Big X.  He was fully conscious of the fact that if the Oflag was occupied by the Soviets, there was a risk that his and Stewart’s involvement in the visit to Katyn would be discovered by the Soviets and that they would locate the photos and notes both had retained, which would most certainly involve the transfer of the two officers into the Siberian depths, if not immediate execution … by the NKVD, and he began to plan the escape of the entire camp.  In early 1944, he sent a coded message requesting hand guns, which were delivered to the Oflag in a package, sent by one of the fictitious support organizations created by a special unit of MIS-X (Military Intelligence POW unit).  The bold escape plan involved escape from the Oflag and transport on planes which were to have landed in fields above the camp.  However, delayed as the request was, by May of 1944, the British determined that they had other priorities.
By the end of January 1945, there were some 1,600 officers in the camp and the Germans ordered them to evacuate the camp.  A number of officers hid in a tunnel, which was to have been used in earlier escape plans, and after the camp was taken by the Soviets, these men became Soviet prisoners for a number of months.  The officers were marched out were led by the Germans in the direction of Usedom, the route took two months and a number of men did not survive this journey.  Once they arrived at Usedom, the group was divided into two – the healthy and the ill.  In order to increase their chances for survival the officers decided to split up – Captain Stewart marched out with the healthy group which ended up in Hammelburg, while Van Vliet, as Senior Officer of the second group, remained with the sick; who were transported to in open train wagons to Luckenwalde.
Lt. Col. Van Vliet, after the Luckenwalde Stalag was occupied by the Soviets, again feared that his life was at risk, therefore he escaped from the camp and located the 104 Infantry Division which was then stationed near Duben, and on May 5th he reported to the G-2 Intelligence officer assigned to the Division.  He was then transferred to HQ of the 7 Corps, stationed in Leipzig, where he met with General Lawton ”Lightning Joe” Collins, whom he informed in detail of what he had witnessed in Katyn.
En route to the US, he was sent to Paris, and there on May 10, 1945, Colonel Van Vliet submitted sworn testimony, which was prepared in four copies, he was deposed by Richard Hoffman, an officer of the US War Crimes Unit.  In this deposition, he listed not only the names of the other four witnesses (whose names are generally known) but also the names of the three Other Ranks and the name of a Polish Officer, Wacław Ksieniewicz, who had been murdered in Katyn as well the names of Soviet camps about which the Western Allies had not known (Putywyl and Starobielsk).  This deposition, never mentioned in any other document or testimony, was announced to the world in January of 2014, after it had been discovered in the US National Archives in November of 2013 by Krystyna Piórkowska.
After his return to Washington, Van Vliet submitted a report in the offices of Military Intelligence (G-2), where on either May 22 or 23, he met with General Clayton Bissell.  This report, just as the sworn deposition had, disappeared.  After five years, Van Vliet was asked and proceeded to partially recreate the report.  In October 1951, Captain Stewart, appearing before the Madden Committee, testified under oath and confirmed the information he had earlier transmitted in the (unmentioned) coded letters, and his testimony was corroborated by Colonel Van Vliet in the succeeding hearing, held in February 1952.  At that time, in his appearance before the Madden Committee, Van Vliet also confirmed the information transmitted in the coded letters, as well as in the sworn deposition (both remained unmentioned) and in the recreated report. In later years, Van Vliet wrote a lengthy article for a monthly magazine, and until his death he gave interviews, which were recorded as film, audio and video material.  In his last video statement, recorded in 1995 as part of the US Army Oral History Project, five years prior to his death, he confirmed what he had written 55 years earlier and for the first and only time acknowledged that he had been a registered code user.
After concluding his career military service, Colonel Donald B. Stewart continued to counter the Katyn Lie, both by writing an article for the Chicago Tribune and speaking at National Conventions of the Polish American Congress, he also participated in aural and film recordings which were made about Katyn. The first aural recording (Waters – also with Van Vliet) has disappeared, but the second filmed interview recorded by Roy L. Towers, Jr., remains as the longest description and discussion between these two English-speaking witnesses to the Katyn Massacre.
Donald B. Stewart died in 1983 in San Antonio (TX), while John H. Van Vliet Jr. died in Atlanta (GA) in 2000.
3. Madden Committee – the First Attempt at a Neutral Investigation of the Katyn Massacre
The Select Committee to Investigate and Study the Facts, Evidence, and Circumstances of the Katyn Forest Massacre was formed in 1951 after the passage of a House of Representatives[2] motion in order to study the Katyn Massacre.  Congressman Ray Madden (1st District, Indiana) served as Chair of the Committee.
The Committee met for over nine months, and during that period analyzed materials found in the US National Archives, materials of the US Army and the Nuremberg Tribunals, further it heard testimony from 103 witnesses. The Committee approached various governments, two of them - the Polish Government in Exile (London) and the German Federal Republic did aid the Committee with documents, while the Communist authorities in Poland and the Soviet government not only did not aid the Committee, but instead criticized the Hearings (the USSR in a statement dated February 29, 1952 and Poland in an article published in the party newspaper Trybuna Ludu, on the following day, March 1, 1952).  The committee held hearings in Washington, Chicago, Frankfurt, Berlin, London and Naples.
In December of 1952, the Committee announced its Final Report (commonly referred to as the Madden Report) in which it called on the US Congress to pass a resolution which would recommending that the President of the US present a formal resolution to the United Nations calling for the formation of an international committee to study the Katyn Massacre.  Concurrently the Committee confirmed that full responsibility for the Massacre lay with the leaders of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics. The report was voted upon and passed in Congress.
From a formal point of view the Investigation of the Madden Committee was the first neutral analysis of the responsibility for the Katyn Massacre, which was, ultimately, to have been used in a determination of international legal responsibility of the Soviet Union for this massacre, by the United Nations.  The Cold War stood as a formidable hurdle in bringing this matter to a conclusion binding upon all nations. Nonetheless, the work of the Madden Committee, forms and continues to form a milestone on this road, while ultimately, fifty years later, led to the formation of the special International Tribunals at the Hague, which have adjudged cases on the crimes committed in former Yugoslavia and Rwanda and the International Criminal Court (ICC).
4. The Coded Letters of the American POWs - An Oath of Silence
During WWII, both British and US POWS transmitted information to Military Intelligence of their respective nations through the use of several methods – mainly via coded letters as well as (in the British case) via short burst radio messages.  The Germans supplied the POWs with aerogrammes (in compliance with Geneva Conventions) and the US officers utilized the aerogrammes to write letters, which by means of a numbered code could be deciphered.  The letters were sent to family members, but were intercepted and immediately copied by MIS-X, which then proceeded to forward them on to the families, which were completely unaware of the coding.  Additionally, if necessary, letters were sent to specific individual POWs from pseudonymous individuals, who were actually MIS-X staffers.
MIS-X, also known as the ‘Factory’, was the special unit of US Military Intelligence which was also responsible for POWs - sending packages which contained maps, compasses, radios and other materials.  It also handled the coded correspondence and supplied the specific US Post Office handling POW mail, with a list of names, whose letters were to immediately be pulled when they arrived. This then was the registry of code users, generally officers who, in the first days learned their codes from British POWs.  Colonels Van Vliet and Stewart were two of these code users.
Colonel John H. Van Vliet, Jr and Captain Donald B. Stewart, just as all the other POWs who were code users, were obliged, upon their return to the US and prior to any R&R, to sign an oath that they would never disclose the existence of the correspondence, the packages or any communications from the ‘Factory’.
After the war Colonel Van Vliet and Colonel Stewart found themselves in a quandary – on the one hand as Active Duty Career Officers they could not discuss the coded letters even as they related to the Katyn Massacre, and even after they left Active Duty, when they could discuss the Katyn Massacre, they still could not mention that the US government knew as early as the summer of 1943 that this crime had been committed by the USSR.
Acting in accordance with their oath they never disclosed this matter – and it took until the late 1980’s when a book was published which discussed the ‘Factory’ and the coded letters, only after that, did Van Vliet very carefully mention his role as a registered code user in his statement to the Oral History project – this minute trace allowed Krystyna Piórkowska to start her tedious search in the US National Archives.


[1] LEGAL NOTICE. Centrum Polsko-Rosyjskiego Dialogu i Porozumienia, (Center of Polish-Russian Dialogue and Understanding) is the owner of copyright for this information as well as its versions in other languages. Centrum grants to every user a non-exclusive, royalty-free, perpetual, irrevocable, and fully sub licensable right to use, reproduce, modify, adapt, publish, translate, create derivative works from, distribute, and display such content throughout the world in any media, on condition that the source reference must be attached to the content.
 
[2] Resolution 290 dated September 19, 1951 allowed for the creation of the Committee and the conducting of hearings in the US, while resolution 539 dated March 13, 1952 expanded its authority to holding hearings in Europe and contact with foreign governments.

Wednesday, December 31, 2014

PROFESSOR ANNA CIENCIALA - UPDATES

Updated information concerning the services is posted below.

I wish to thank the Jesuits in Warsaw and the Pauline Fathers in New York.

Profesor Anna Cienciała
Profesor Emerita, University of Kansas
Nagrodzona Krzyżem Komandorskim z Gwiazdą Orderu Zasługi
Msza święta za jej duszę zostanie odprawiona w dniach
14 stycznia 2015 o godzinie 10:00
Msza świeta w Jezuickim Kościele Rektoralnym
na ul. Świętojańskiej w Warszawie
∞∞∞∞∞
18 stycznia 2015 o godzinie 12:00
w Kościele Św. Stanisława, BiM na 7 ulicy w Manhattanie
∞∞∞∞∞
22 stycznia 2015 (godz. do ustalenia)
Uroczystości Żałobne na University of Kansas – Lawrence
dalsze informacje na stronie researchingkatyn.blogspot.com
∞∞∞∞∞
Professor Anna Cienciala
Professor Emerita, University of Kansas
Recipient – Commander’s Cross with Star of the Order of Merit
Holy Mass will be offered on
January 14, 2015 at 10:00
Jesuit Church of the Gracious Mother of God on ul. Świętojańska in Warsaw
∞∞∞∞∞
on January 18, 2015 at 12:00PM
St. Stanislaus, B.M. Church on East 7th Street in Manhattan
∞∞∞∞∞
on January 22, 2015 (time to TBA)
Memorial Service at the University of Kansas – Lawrence
Further details at researchingkatyn.blogspot.com
 

Saturday, December 27, 2014

ESTEEMED SCHOLAR PROFESSOR ANNA CIENCIALA

Esteemed Professor Emerita Anna Cienciała died on Christmas Eve.

A specialist on Polish Interwar Diplomacy and author of numerous articles and books, both in English and Polish, she will nonetheless be remembered for her co-editing of Soviet documents, which were published by Yale University as Katyn A Crime Unpunished.

Professor Cienciała's introduction to each section, actually creating a monograph on the subject of Polish history, with a detailed description of the immediate post-WWI and pre-WWII period, serves as the best available succinct description of Polish history for the English reader.

Enclosed is information about Memorial Services - updates will be posted to my webpage (see below).

Please disseminate.

Krystyna Piórkowska


Professor Anna Cienciała
Profesor Emerita, University of Kansas
Nagrodzona Krzyżem Komandorskim z Gwiazdą Orderu Zaslugi

Msza Święta za Jej Duszę zostanie odprawiona w
dniu, 18 stycznia 2015 o godzinie 12:00
w Kościele Św. Stanisława, BiM na 7 ulicy w Manhattanie

Uroczystości Żałobne na University of Kansas – Lawrence
w dniu 22 stycznia 2015 (szczegóły do ustalenia)

Msza Świeta w Warszawie – przed 16 stycznia 2015
(szczegóły do ustalenia)

proszę śledzić researchingkatyn.blogspot.com
∞∞∞∞∞
Professor Anna Cienciala
 
Profesor Emerita, University of Kansas
Recipient - Commander's Cross with Star of the Order Zaslugi

Holy Mass will be offered on
on January 18, 2015 at 12:00PM
at St. Stanislaus, B.M. Church on 7th Street in Manhattan

Memorial Service at the University of Kansas – Lawrence
on January 22, 2015 (details to follow)

Mass in Warsaw – prior to January 16, 2015
(details to follow)

Please check researchingkatyn.blogspot.com for further updates

Sunday, November 9, 2014

KANSAS UNIVERSITY LAWRENCE CREES LECTURE VIDEOS


Many thanks to the Center for Russian and East European Studies at Kansas University which used Title VI Funds as well as the generosity of the Backus Family, which helps sponsor a series of lectures at the Center, for inviting me to present on October 27 and 28.  Special thanks to Bart Redford, Assistant Director of CREES and to Professor Anna Cienciala for selecting me, helping me get there and making sure I was where I should be when I should be.



This is the link to the October 27 Backus Lecture "English Speaking Witnesses to a Soviet War Crime"

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=aUCeJI7ES4U

This is the link to the October 28 Brownbag Lecture "Soviet Disinformation on Katyn and the Role of the Orthodox Church"


 

Tuesday, October 14, 2014

LECTURES AT KANSAS UNIVERSITY - LAWRENCE

The Kansas University - Lawrence Center for Russian and East European Studies has invited me to lecture on two separate subjects.  These lectures are free and open to the public.

Please join me - there will be a Powerpoint presentation and a question and answer period at each session.  The October 27th lecture is a Title VI funded lecture.


Backus Lecture: "English-Speaking Witnesses to a Soviet War Crime: The Katyn Massacre in the Words of the POWs," Krystyna Piorkowska (Author, English-Speaking Witnesses to Katyn) (Lecture)

Monday October 27, 2014
7:00pm
Kansas Union, Pine Room
Contact: 4-4236, crees@ku.edu
http://crees.ku.edu
Department: Center for Russian, East European and Eurasian Studies
Ticket Cost: Free
Free and open to the public
 

Brownbag: "Soviet Disinformation on Katyn and the Role of the Orthodox Church," Krystyna Piorkowska (Author, English-Speaking Witnesses to Katyn)

October 28, 2014
12:00 pm - 01:00 pm
Bailey Hall, 318
4-4236

Monday, September 1, 2014

REVEREND ORLEMANSKI VISITS STALIN - APRIL/MAY 1944



August 14, 2014

To the Editor - Polish American Studies

Although one can appreciate an additional article about Reverend Stanislaus Orlemanski[1], as he has been a seriously understudied individual, and certainly the transcript of the Soviet report is interesting, I find it necessary to correct several misconceptions that have been presented by Mr. Markiewicz in his recent article.[2] I will attempt to present my remarks by following the layout of the article, with one exception.

In almost every article that has appeared, Oskar Lange is presented as the intellectual, the professor, the economist, while Reverend Orlemanski is a quasi-country bumpkin, and Mr. Markiewicz falls into this same trap.  This was not the case.

On Page 61, Mr. Markiewicz refers solely to the possible plans for including Oskar Lange[3]  in the post-war Polish government, although later he does make passing reference to both Oskar Lange and Stanislaus Orlemanski. This then is the crux of the issue, as it was not solely Lange who was expected to take a role in the post-war government, and the trip to Moscow was predicated on Orlemanski joining him in that plan, which is documented in correspondence sent to the Papal Nuncio in Washington, confirming the expectation concerning Reverend Orlemanski.

On Page 56, there is presented a photograph of Stanislaus Orlemanski and it is described as follows: Reverend Stanisław Orlemański, founder of the pro-Soviet Kościuszko League, upon his graduation from Orchard Lake Seminary in 1910.  Yet, in 1910, Stanislaus Orlemanski was not ordained, nor did he ever complete theological and formation studies at Orchard Lake Seminary (more properly St. Cyril and Methodius Seminary). School records state that he solely graduated from St. Mary’s and further research confirms that he was ordained outside of the United States in late 1915. Thus at the time the photograph was taken he was not a Reverend, nor does the material held at the Polish Museum description state that[4], as it refers to an occurrence – a reunion in 1918, when he was indeed, an ordained priest and thus the image should clearly have omitted the use of Reverend.

However, these issues appear to be insignificant when one notes the repeat of a standard presentation of Stanislaus Orlemanski as solely a pro-Soviet sympathizer, and a simple parish priest. 

I would posit that Stanislaus Orlemanski was a much more complicated and multi-faceted individual, one that we may or may not agree with, but more complex than generally presented. The fact is that the Reverend Orlemanski had written a series of articles for, and been published by the conservative PRCUA in the mid-1920’s.  Thus his description as a leftist or pro-Soviet sympathizer requires layering and consideration, and not a blanket statement.  Certainly, at the least summary description of this alternate dimension is warranted. Certainly, the statement by John Olejniczak of the PRCUA, quoted on p. 59, that he “does not represent anyone at all” requires a deeper explanation, given the fact that no less than six lengthy articles had earlier been published by the self-same PRCUA.

In describing the April 1944 trip, the author makes it appear as though Lange and Orlemanski travelled to Moscow jointly, yet nothing could be farther from the truth.  Clearly, their journey began together, or rather was planned to be a joint trip.  Yet Reverend Orlemanski so disliked Oscar Lange that he had three conditions for his trip; one of which was that he refused to travel together with him. The commander of the airfield in Great Falls, from which both men started their trip, precisely noted that Oskar Lange flew out on April 11th, and then noted that it was that Reverend Orlemanski appeared in his office on April 18th.

In contradiction to the statement that:  During their trip, the two men reported on the state of soldiers in the Polish army forming in the USSR and visited children’s homes and schools. The two men met personally with Soviet dictator Josef Stalin and Foreign Minister Vyacheslav Molotov. (p. 57) – which leads one to believe that their meetings were joint, and that the trips to the field were joint, leads one to an incorrect assumption - it was not so.  The meetings, as appears in eyewitness records, were separate and individual.  In fact, the very document that is cited by Mr. Markiewicz refers only to Reverend Orlemanski being present at the specific meeting that is reported on.

Once again, it should be noted that Orlemanski, just as he travelled alone outbound, returned separately from Moscow, while Lange remained there until early June.

Stanislaus Orlemanski had returned from Moscow, landing in Seattle, on May 11, 1944 – clearly, the meetings that Oskar Lange held with the Soviet authorities and the pro-Soviet Polish government required a lengthier presence, while Rev. Orlemanski may have wanted to return home for Ascension Thursday, which was May 18, 1944.  Thus it is impossible for them to have made joint statements upon their return, as appears to be indicated from the sentence structure in Mr. Markiewicz’s article “Upon their arrival back to the United States, Lange and Orlemański (sic) spoke very favorably of their visit, praising and lauding….”  

However, it is the following, un-footnoted sentence in Mr. Markiewicz’s article that is most troubling “President Roosevelt even invited Reverend Orlemański (sic) to the White House to describe his travels.  Speaking with the American leader for over two hours…” It is troubling, because heretofore all records indicate that no such meeting occurred, and that Secretary of State Cordell Hull argued against the proposal of such a meeting.  Additionally, since Reverend Orlemanski was clerically suspended and did not venture outside his rectory, his only contact with the US government occurred during an interview with a retired US Dept. of State Consular Official who travelled to Springfield, Massachusetts to interview him at the rectory of his parish, Our Lady of the Rosary Church.  Had Reverend Orlemanski travelled to meet with the President the press would have noted it – and the press was certainly noting the fact that he was not offering Mass at his church, or when he did offer Mass they noted that he had not given a sermon.

Clearly, if Mr. Markiewicz has located any documentation that shows that the Reverend did travel to meet the President, information, which is heretofore unknown, a reference note would be appropriate. 

Reverend Orlemanski met with various individuals in Moscow, both journalists and other Westerners, many of whom left journals and aide-de-memoires of this period.  None of them noted Lange’s presence while they were with Orlemanski.  Further, all the photographs published of the Stalin, Molotov and Orlemanski meetings (yes, there were two and not one) only show the three men together, with Orlemanski looming head and shoulders over the other two.  There is no photograph that has surfaced showing all four together, had there been a joint meeting of the four, it is highly probable that would have been such a photo.  The animosity of Reverend Orlemanski for Oskar Lange was so great that even Stalin respected it.[5]

What Mr. Markiewicz fails to note in his article, is that the entire trip took place with the knowledge and aid of the United States government, and as Major Jordan noted, the Reverend carried “military passes for the Alaska Defense Force and Western Defense Command... a passport from the State Department empowering him to travel to the Soviet Union by way of Egypt, Iraq and Iran. He also had visas for the three countries.”  No one could have received those other visas, or orders to fly on US Air Force equipment without government permission.  This aid significantly exceeded the well-known correspondence between Stalin and FDR on the subject of passports for the two travelers.

It is relevant to note that it was the Soviet News Agency (TASS) that betrayed Stalin’s (implied) promise that the Lange and Orlemanski trip would be kept secret, yet it was primarily Orlemanski’s presence which was immediately broadcast, forcing Roosevelt to explain the situation, although only discussing Orlemanski – it was as though Lange did not exist.

As for the Soviet report on the meeting which Mr. Markiewicz presents – it is clearly either a compilation of the two meetings which occurred or a summary of them (which appears implausible since Professor Miner quotes a report on the earlier meeting in his book[6]), and which are described not only in several aide de memoire’s, but also in State Dept. reports – and that it was only after the first meeting, when Rev. Orlemanski reported that Stalin had promised the moon and the stars (my terminology) that one of the Moscow Westerners asked why he did not have anything in writing.  The ‘promissory note’ which is frequently referred to appeared as a result of that second meeting.  To reiterate – the document that Mr. Markiewicz presents in his article clearly refers to this being a second meeting (vide P. 64) “He [Orlemański (sic)] said last time that something needs to be done in order to split the Polish Catholics in America.” (Emphasis mine – K.P.)

It is therefore misleading for the general reader or university undergraduate to be told that

This article presents two previously unknown Soviet archival documents. The first deals with the visit of Fr. Stanislaw Orlemanski, a pro-Soviet Polish-American Catholic priest to Moscow and his meeting with Stalin.

As the first two sentences of this article read.  These sentences lead one to believe that nothing from the Soviet archives has ever been printed on these matters, and at the least, a reference to Professor Miner’s book would have been appropriate.  Additionally Dr. Noskowa writes about this material in her work published in 2005, so there are at least two sources that precede Mr. Markiewicz's paper, and should have been referred to.

Although this writer agrees with the author’s statement that “Stalin took a great interest in Orlemański and his activities in the United States within the Polish American spheres” I believe that it is Stanislaus Orlemanski’s two decade long work in the Polish-American community that brought him to the attention of the Soviet authorities, and not solely “through his work as a parish priest and as a leading figure in the Kościuszko League”.

 Stanislaus Orlemanski took assertive positions in attempting to empower the Polish-American community; these actions had a long history, much earlier than the formation of the Kosciuszko League, and were both clerical and political.  Yet upon his return from Moscow, he accepted the suspensa of the clerical authorities (which originated from Washington and not Springfield) and submitted to the humiliation of presenting a public apology which had been written for him. 
 
I have not (yet) found records of his making public political statement after mid-July 1944, thus it would appear that his pro-Soviet position was less meaningful to him than his priestly duties.  It will take deeper research to determine the accuracy of that statement, but at this point it would behoove researchers to remove Reverend Stanislaus Orlemanski from a purely pro-Soviet position and allow a fuller picture to be presented, as I would have hoped that Mr. Markiewicz would have presented in his article.




[1] Stanislaus Orlemanski used the English form of both his Christian name and surname, particularly in English language materials, and so I will refer to him in that fashion. It is not apparent if this was a typo, but at certain points, Rev. Orlemanski’s name appears with a diacritical over the n, while the Reverend never used that form in any English language materials (vide p. 54). 
[2] I first began researching Rev. Orlemanski as a result of my work on the English-speaking witnesses to Katyn, and specifically the role of Father Marie Leopold Braun, AA, who was pastor of St. Louis des Français in Moscow.  This work has been conducted at the National Archives at College Park, at the Manuscript Division of Columbia University, the Augustinians General House Archives in Rome as well as their Provincial House, at least five other archives in other countries and also include the ‘general suspects’ i.e. FRUC etc. When I first began researching this issue it also related to the issue of the Military Ordinariate attached to the First Polish Army (i.e. Armia Berlinga). 
[3] In this case I will use the Polish spelling, as does Professor Anna Cienciala, since Lange did renounce his US citizenship and was a Polish Ambassador.
[4]To be precise – the description reads Abitutyenci Gimn. Sem. Pols. z roku 1910 w Orchard Lake, Mich., Zjazd Kolezenski odbedzie sie dnia 19go czerwca 1918 roku, referring to students not graduates nor priests.
[5] Interestingly, although this author’s research has not concentrated on Lange, various articles and reports have been reviewed.  It is clear that Lange’s visit did not hold as much attraction as the visit of Orlemanski, as neither TASS nor the English language press seems to have accorded it a similar level of attention.
[6] vide Miner, Steven M.  Stalin’s Holy War. University of North Carolina Press, 2003